Latest from North Carolina

In our last epsiode, the North Carolina legislature had been ordered by state courts to redraw their district maps by September 18. While new maps have been filed, and while the mapping process has been open to public scrutiny, the process has not been without controversy. According to the Rock Hill Herald Examiner, it appeared that lawmakers on the House redistricting committee received inappropriate information regarding analysis of a collection of maps created by redistricting researcher and analyst Jowei Chen that Republican lawmakers had adopted as a starting point for the redrawing process. Meanwhile, the state Senate brought a lottery machine to their redistricitng conference room to carry out a random selection of maps from among the ones Chen had created for Senate districts.

Although the process was carried out with unprecedented public scrutiny, concerns persist about both the process and the outcome. A new lawsuit has been filed over the revised maps and there have been new developments in the original case, Common Cause v. Lewis, including the entry of the League of Women Voters of Texas and the Texas Civil Rights Project, demanding public release of the files of the late Republican redistricting strategist Thomas Hofeller.

Stay tuned…

North Carolina!

Earlier this month, the North Carolina state supreme court showed exactly how the National League of Women Voter’s strategy of suing over partisan gerrymanders in state court could work. The court revisited the maps drawn by the Republican-controlled legislature and concluded thus:

In outlawing the partisan maps, the judges relied heavily on a broad reading of Section 10 of the State Constitution, which states in its entirety that “All elections shall be free.” While higher state courts have said little about the clause, they wrote, other rulings have made it clear that citizens express their will at the ballot box and that the state has a compelling interest in keeping the vote fair.

“The free elections clause of the North Carolina constitution guarantees that all elections must be conducted freely and honestly to ascertain, fairly and truthfully, the will of the people,” the judges wrote. But “it is not the free will of the people that is fairly ascertained through extreme partisan gerrymandering. Rather, it is the carefully crafted will of the map drawer that predominates.”

Republicans in the legislature announced that they would not pursue an appeal. The court directed that new maps be drawn in public hearings to be completed by today (September 18). More to come on this as the story continues to develop.

The Ongoing War Over Who Counts

The one thing we know for sure about the upcoming decennial census is that there will not be a question about the respondent’s citizenship status in 2020. We also know that the Census Bureau had predicted that including the question would have suppressed responses from Latinx residents. Advocates for the question have denied that that was the point of the question, but have argued that information gained would have been worth that cost. Opponents have argued that the question was indeed intended to suppress Latinx responses, thus weakening the voting power of residents of more heavily Latinx districts and favoring whiter, more conservative districts.

But there is strong evidence from documents uncovered last May and June of another motivation for the citizenship question: to change the nature of the populations used to draw Congressional district lines. Currently, Congressional districts are drawn so that district populations are nearly equal, where the population counted is “the whole number of persons in each State” (from the 14th Amendment to the Constitution, which superseded original language that counted slaves as 3/5 of a person). In the 2016 case from Texas, Evenwel v. Abbott, plaintiffs argued that using total population violated the Equal Protection Clause by reducing the voting power of voters in districts with low immigrant populations, compared to voters in districts with higher immigrant populations. The Supreme Court held that states may use total population to draw districts, but did not rule out other options.

The argument made in documents belonging to recently deceased Republican “gerrymandering guru” Thomas Hofeller for the citizenship question is that it would lay the groundwork for a national change to using citizens of voting age as the population for drawing districts, instead of counting everyone. Hofeller argued that such a change would benefit “Republicans and non-Hispanic whites.” He also proposed as a cover story that the question would provide data to aid enforcement of the Voting Rights Act, the excuse provided by the government that was rejected by the Supreme Court in June.

Now comes Alabama and Rep. Mo Brooks (R-AL), suing the Commerce Department and the Census Bureau last year to block counting of undocumented immigrants for apportionment of Congressional representatives to the states, as well as for allocating federal funds. Alabama is projected to lose a seat when representatives are apportioned after the 2020 census. The plaintiffs argue that the wording “persons in each State” was not intended to refer to undocumented immigrants, that the phrase was “understood at both the Founding and in the Reconstruction era to be restricted to aliens who have been lawfully admitted to the body politic,” and thus a “proper” interpretation of the laws governing the census and apportionment would mean counting only “the total of legally present resident population of the United States.” A number of experts have offered contrary understandings of history and judicial precedent.

The district judge hearing the case has expressed concerns that the federal government may not wholeheartedly defend the suit, so has allowed Hispanic and civil rights groups to join the defense, along with 16 other states that stand to lose representatives under the Alabama plan, nine cities and counties, and the U.S. Conference of Mayors. He also denied the government’s motion to dismiss the suit, however. A hearing is scheduled for September 6.

More details here.

Object Lessons in How the Battle for Fair Elections Will Never End

Just when I was beginning to think that the pace of redistricting news would slow enough to start talking about the nuts and bolts of analyzing and developing district maps, these stories broke. As you read, bear in mind Chief Justice Roberts’s opinion in the recent gerrymandering case that one alternative remedy to the federal courts for gerrymandering is to “plac[e] power to draw electoral districts in the hands of independent commissions.”

Michigan’s Independent Commission Under Attack

In the 2018 election, Michigan voters approved an amendment to the Michigan constitution creating a nonpartisan redistricting commission. The Detroit News reports on a new federal court case filed by state Republicans, alleging that restrictions on commission membership in the amendment are “blatantly unconstitutional.” The membership rules prohibit anyone from serving who has been a partisan candidate for office, elected official, political appointee, lobbyist, campaign consultant or officer, or political party officer in the previous six years as well as immediate family members of such. The suit seeks to invalidate the amendment and block its implementation and to revert to the previous method, in which the majority party in the legislature (currently Republican) draws maps, subject to approval of the governor (currently Democratic).

Plaintiffs argue that that the membership requirements unconstitutionally discriminate against affected people based on partisan affiliation. They further assert that, even though the ballot proposal includes a severability clause (which means that the rest of the law should survive even if a portion is overturned in court), the entire law should be overturned because supporters may have believed that the membership requirements were a “vital part” of the proposal.

The lawsuit follows earlier action last May by Republicans in the Michigan Legislature to cut funding for the redistricting commission by 30% and shift the funds from the Department of State to the Legislature.

Wisconsin Republicans Say They Plan to Seek Democratic Governor’s Approval for New Maps

The Wisconsin Examiner reported recently on indications that the Republican-controlled legislature could attempt to implement 2021 district maps without the approval of the state’s Democratic governor. This would be accomplished by implementing the maps via a joint resolution of the Assembly and the Senate. Joint resolutions do not require the governor’s signature. The Wisconsin Supreme Court has already ruled that implementing districts via resolution is unconstitutional, but the court is now controlled by conservative justices who could consider overturning that precedent. The Examiner article cites sources form both sides of the redistricting dispute. The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel reports in a follow-up article that Republican lawmakers dispute the Examiner story and claim that they are not planning to avoid gubernatorial review.

So What the Heck Just Happened?

On June 27, the last day of the 2018–2019 session, the Supreme Court announced two rulings affecting matters of concern to us: one to do with partisan gerrymandering and the other to do with the proposed citizenship question on the upcoming census.


In Vieth v. Jubelirer (2004), the Supreme Court split 4-4 on the question of whether partisan gerrymandering was justiciable, i.e., whether there was a role for the courts at all to intervene in cases of partisan gerrymandering. The court did not rule on that case at the time, but the partial dissent by Justice Kennedy left open the possibility for a role for the courts if an appropriate standard could be developed to apply in such cases. (Such standards have evolved for racial gerrymandering since the Voting Rights Act of 1965.) Since then, much of the research and advocacy regarding redistricting has been essentially to convince Justice Kennedy that such a standard was possible. With Justice Kennedy’s retirement last year, the question of justiciability has been on shakier ground. The 4-4 split remained among the other eight justices, and it was not yet clear where Justice Kavanaugh would come down.

Now we know. In Rucho v. Common Cause et al., the North Carolina (and Maryland) redistricting case, a 5-4 majority of the court, led by Chief Justice Roberts, ruled that partisan gerrymandering was not justiciable by federal courts. The Chief Justice’s opinion ruled that, while partisan gerrymandering poses a significant threat to election fairness, it was not possible to develop an applicable standard for assessing the extent of partisan gerrymandering. This, despite the fact that a number of lower courts did find that several proposed standards and measures provided clear evidence that it had taken place.

The Chief Justice’s opinion suggested that there are other routes to pursue to mitigate the danger of runaway partisan gerrymandering. His opinion cites successful state court challenges—such as in Pennsylvania—and the creation of independent redistricting commissions via citizen initiatives. That is a reversal of Roberts’s earlier view, expressed in his dissent in the 2014 case, Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission. In that case, Roberts decried Arizona’s initiative-established independent commission as an unconstitutional userpation of legislative authority to determine the “Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections,” as specified in the Constitution. Roberts also failed to note the recent attempts by the Michigan legislature to undermine the voter-approved independent commission in that state. Roberts also noted the possibility of Congressional action, without mentioning that this year’s HR1, the For the People Act, which requires states to implement independent commissions, has passed the House, but is unlikely to be considered in the Senate.

In South Carolina and 23 other states, there is no process for bringing citizen initiatives to a vote. So absent Congressional action, our next realistic recourse is legislative.

The Census

Chief Justice Roberts was also the author of the majority opinion that the administration’s attempt to add a citizenship question to the 2020 Census was unconstitutional because the rationale offered for the question (that it was needed to aid enforcing the Voting Rights Act of 1965) was “contrived.” The opinion did seem to leave open the possibility that the administration could return to the lower court to have the decision reconsidered with a different justification, and since then, we’ve been on a wild ride as the president and the Justice Department attorneys on the case tried to determine how to proceed.

At first, the Justice Department announced that the administration would not pursue the question. Then President Trump tweeted that the administration would indeed continue to pursue adding the question. The administration attorneys appeared before the lower court judge and admitted that they did not have official guidance. The judge demanded a decision in short order on how the administration would proceed. Attorneys responded that they would be pursuing the question, but it was certainly not clear how any new justification could be considered “not contrived,” especially in light of the recent discovery of documents in North Carolina proposing the question as a way of enhancing the voting power of “Republicans and non-Hispanic whites.” The administration announced that they would be replacing the entire team of attorneys. The judge denied the administration’s request. The Census forms were sent to the printer and printing commenced. Finally, on Thursday, President Trump and Attorney General Barr announced that they would not pursue the question for the 2020 Census, but that they would gather the information from other sources and they would revisit the question for the 2030 Census.

So the 2020 Census will not have the citizenship question. But it is not yet clear how much damage the debate may have done to the response rate. Our task going forward has to be to actively promote responding, especially in areas that might have been vulnerable to intimidation.

Breaking: Justice Reverses Course (was: No Citizenship Question on Census)

Update: Today, the Justice Department reversed their previous decision and announced that they will pursue including the citizenship question, despite the fact that it will delay the start of the process. Details here.

Today, the Justice Department announced that it will not contest the Supreme Court decision blocking the inclusion of a citizenship question on the 2020 census. Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross says that printing has begun for forms without the question included.

SCOTUS Rules Federal Courts Cannot Adjudicate Political Gerrymandering

In a previous post, we discussed the concept of justiciability–the question of whether courts could take any role at all in adjudicating questions of partisan gerrymandering. Today, a 5-4 majority of the court ruled that partisan gerrymandering cases are not justiciable in federal courts. The ruling moves the battleground out of the federal courts and on to state legislatures, citizen initiatives (unfortunately not an option in South Carolina), state courts, and Congress.

In a separate ruling, the court rejected administration arguments in favor of the citizenship question on the 2020 census. It is not clear now if there is time for the administration to recreate an acceptable justification in time to launch the census or what the impact will be of the citizenship-question case currently before the Manhattan Federal District Court, which we discussed in the most recent post.

More details and analysis to follow soon.

Redistricting: It’s the Census, Stupid

While we wait anxiously for the Supreme Court ruling on the North Carolina and Maryland redistricting cases, we are also expecting a consequential ruling on the question of whether the Trump administration can include a question on citizenship in the 2020 census.

The health of our representative democracy depends on nonpartisanship when drawing the lines that define the districts in the US House of Representatives and our State House. That, in turn, depends on an unbiased and comprehensive census to provide the data that underlies redistricting. This past week, compelling new evidence has emerged that the introduction of the citizenship question on the census has partisan intent.

The 2020 census has engendered a number of controversies, including questions about the adequacy of the budget. But the single most controversial issue and the one before the Supreme Court is the question of whether to include in the main census form a question about whether each individual counted is a United States citizen. The administration claims that the question is important for enforcing the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Critics claim that there is no useful purpose for the question and even the administration’s own research indicates that the fact of the question will reduce the response rate of Hispanic and Latinx Americans.

The impact of undercounting minority groups is well understood. It can affect how resources for population-based programs are allocated to localities. It can affect apportionment, shifting Congressional representatives away from states with undercounted populations toward other states. But a recent development in the news has drawn attention to another potential impact of the citizenship question: it could be used to further gerrymander district boundaries.

Thomas B. Hofeller was a consultant for the Republican party on redistricting. Among his notable achievements was the 2011 North Carolina Congressional map that was struck down due to racial gerrymandering and re-drawn in 2016. (It is the 2016 map that is the subject of the current Supreme Court gerrymandering case.) Hofeller died in 2018. His estranged daughter, Stephanie Hofeller, discovered computer hard drives and thumb drives with records of his redistricting activities, specifically, records relevant to the issue of the citizenship question on the 2020 census.

According to the New York Times, among the documents Stephanie Hofeller turned over to Common Cause and their attorneys—who are also pursuing a suit in New York against the inclusion of the citizenship question—are these:

  • A 2015 study by Hofeller concluding that a citizenship question on the census was necessary to provide information that Republican-dominated legislatures could use to tilt gerrymandered district maps even more to the advantage of “Republicans and non-Hispanic whites.” The study was prompted by a Republican donor considering a suit in Texas to require that the Texas legislature consider only voting-age citizens when drawing districts, rather than the current practice of using total population. That suit went to the Supreme Court, which found that there was not such a requirement in the Constitution, but which did not rule out states choosing to use that criterion.
  • A memo sent to the Justice Department, part of which was used word for word in a letter from the Justice Department to the Census Bureau recommending addition of the citizenship question as a way to support Voting Rights Act enforcement.
  • A more detailed memo, significant portions of which were apparently used in the Justice Department memo supporting the Voting Rights Act justification for the citizenship question.

The Justice Department denies the accusation that their testimony was insincere, but the evidence from the disks and thumb drives has been presented to the Manhattan Federal District Court. The Supreme Court heard oral arguments about the citizenship question in April. From the transcripts, it was apparent that the conservative majority seemed ready to grant the administration request to include the citizenship question. It is not clear at this point what impact this new evidence will have on the Supreme Court ruling, but that ruling is due imminently. The Census Bureau says that printing of census forms must commence on July 1 in order to conduct a timely census.

Two New Federal Court Decisions

As we await with bated breath the Supreme Court ruling in the North Carolina and Maryland cases, the world of redistricting litigation has not been standing still. In the past few weeks, federal court rulings have been handed down in Michigan and Ohio that strongly back the position that partisan gerrymandering is unconstitutional and that propose strong remedies.

In the Michigan case, LWV of Michigan v. Benson, the federal District Court found unanimously for the plaintiffs’ claim that 34 Congressional, State House, and State Senate districts were in violation of the U.S. Constitution’s First and Fourteenth Amendment guarantees of freedom of association and equal protection under the law. As with the Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and North Carolina cases, the analysis from the plaintiffs relied on several different quantitative analyses of the maps’ partisan biases, which we will be discussing here in future articles. The analyses use different measures of the partisan bias reflected in a particular map together with a simulation using a very large number of randomly generated maps to assess the likelihood that the map in question was drawn with the intent of creating partisan bias.

The forcefulness of the verdict is indicated by the remedy that the judges imposed. Not only does the remedy require new maps, but it also requires early elections in several of the State Senate districts. In addition, Michigan is one of the states that passed a voter initiative in the 2018 election to create an independent redistricting commission. So whatever the outcome of the court cases, Michigan will have its independent commission drawing district lines in 2021.

Meanwhile, less than a week later, a federal District Court found Ohio’s Congressional map unconstitutional on similar grounds and required new maps to be in place by June 14. Both cases will go forward to the Supreme Court, and both will await the ruling in the pending Maryland and North Carolina cases before being heard. And Ohio, too, is a state where voters approved a redistricting process that requires bipartisan approval of maps for 2021.

Where Things Stand Right Now

On the national level, a lot has happened related to redistricting. In South Carolina, there has been significant activity, but there is still a long road ahead. It is possible that future national developments will have an impact on the South Carolina effort, but it is too soon to tell.

South Carolina Legislature

The League of Women Voters of South Carolina (LWVSC) supports H.3054 in the South Carolina House, which will create an independent commission made up of members appointed by the legislature and the governor, and define standards for the commission to use to create fair proposed maps to send to the legislature for approval. This bill is in the Judiciary Committee. While H.3054 and its Senate companion are not the only bills related to redistricting, they are the ones favored by LWVSC, and they have bipartisan sponsorship.

South Carolina Action

Over the past two years, the League has actively promoted redistricting reform in the state. The League has developed materials for use in public presentations, and in 2017, the League held training sessions for League advocates in Greenville and Columbia. Redistricting programs have been presented to local Leagues in Charleston, Clemson, Greenville, Spartanburg, Aiken, and elsewhere. League advocates have also presented to other organizations, including the Forum Club, Sociology Club, Math Club, and a sociology class at Clemson, and the Progressive Women of Anderson County.

In addition, at least two open public fora have been held so far this year, both well attended and lively:

  • January 22, 2019, Richland County Library, Columbia. Does My Vote Even Count: A Forum on Election Reform, panel discussion with Reps. Beth Bernstein, Gary Clary, and Kirkman Finlay, Senator Mia McLeod, and experts Duncan Buell and John Ruoff, on voting machines, voting rights, redistricting, and related topics.
  • March 12, 2019, Greenville County Library, Greenville, Beyond the Basics: The Math of Gerrymandering, presentation by Dr. Anne Catlla, Wofford University.

A fall 2018 Winthrop University poll showed that nearly 70% of South Carolina voters support the idea of independently drawn districts. This is similar to levels of support shown across the country. Some preliminary analyses by news analysis sites, such as’s Redistricting Project, suggest that South Carolina’s Congressional district map is highly gerrymandered. I and a team of students are engaged in a more detailed analysis of our state Congressional and legislative maps.

LWVSC’s action priority is to keep the issue in the public eye, continue to inform our citizens, and press legislators to support the bills. While LWVSC has limited resources for a publicity campaign, please watch for information about mobilization from the League.

National Update

In 2017–2018, the Supreme Court heard political gerrymandering cases from North Carolina, Wisconsin, and Maryland, and remanded them back to lower courts. This year, the North Carolina and Maryland cases returned to the Court; oral arguments were heard March 26 with a ruling expected in June.

Two recent research reports suggest that gerrymandering has broad electoral and social impacts; for example, as we experience in SC, uncompetitive districts lead to uncontested elections and lack of choice for voters. And independent analyses show that gerrymandering had a significant effect on the outcome of 2018 Congressional races and state legislative races in several states.

Voter initiatives have been used successfully in several states to institute redistricting reforms. Unfortunately, that option is not available to voters in South Carolina. The US House passed HR.1, a broad voting rights and election reform bill that includes a provision for requiring independent redistricting commissions in every state. The bill is not likely to be taken up in the Senate.